Mike was watching Underwood. Still, the man didn’t understand. He never would, Mike realized. It was odd, really, how a man so very intelligent could be so blind. Could see ‘victory’ only in terms of scoring points in a game. As if politics were a game to be won in the first place, instead of—what it should be, at least—the methods by which a civilization governs all “games” in the first place.
He decided he’d try one last time. “Quentin,” he said softly, “I don’t care who ends the danger of epidemic. I don’t care if it’s done by us—or by some French cardinal trying to beat us, or an ally emulating us, or just some Italian city council trying to keep their tax base intact. As long as it gets done.” He breathed in; out. “Just like I don’t care how freedom of religion gets established all across Europe. If Wentworth and Richelieu start implementing it to fight us, then as far as I’m concerned the whole basis of the ‘game’ has been shifted in the direction I want it. We aren’t scoring points here, for the love of God. You score points with a ball. Not with peoples’ lives.”
Silence fell on the room. After a few seconds, Mike said: “The decision’s mine, of course, in the end. But I’d like a formal vote of the cabinet. All in favor of my proposal to send our existing stock of chloramphenicol and most of our sulfa drugs to Luebeck and Amsterdam, along with as much DDT as we can manage, raise your hands.”
Nichols’ hand was up before he’d finished speaking. Ed Piazza’s and Willy Ray Hudson’s hands came up almost as fast. Within five seconds, the hand of every member of the cabinet was raised.
Except Quentin Underwood’s. He looked around the room, shook his head, and said quietly: “Sorry, folks. I can’t see it. That stuff belongs to us. We made it. We should keep it here for our own people. I just don’t understand how anyone can see it any other way.”
Then he rose and left the room.
“So when’d he resign?” asked Frank.
“Not long after. The cabinet broke up within a half hour. He came in maybe half an hour after that and—” Mike nodded toward the letter.
Frank thought about it for a bit. “Well . . . Personally speaking, I’m tempted to jump for joy. He’s been a pain in the ass to deal with for months, now, and it seems like it’s been getting worse all the time. Kinda strange, really. I’d have thought he’d have put old quarrels behind him.”
Mike shook his head. “This isn’t an ‘old quarrel,’ Frank. It’s got nothing to do with the fact that he used to be the manager of our mine and we used to be the officers in charge of the union. Quentin’s narrow-minded, yeah, but he’s not that narrow-minded.” Shrugging: “It’s just the way the world works. When it comes to politics, anyway. Given XYZ set of circumstances, some people are going to argue one side, somebody else the other. Change the circumstances a bit—WXY—and the alignment changes. Some, anyway.”
He chuckled, a bit ruefully. “Would you believe that under these circumstances, I’m starting to warm up to John Chandler Simpson?”
Frank made a face. Mike laughed. “C’mon, Frank! The man’s not a devil. Neither one of us thought that even when he was at his worst. What he was, in those days, was an arrogant and take-charge kind of guy who, faced with a crisis, tried to drive through what he thought was the safe alternative. Too sure of himself—too obsessed with his own position, also—to consider the long-term risks.”
“So? How’s anything changed? According to James, anyway—and it sounds like you agree with him—we’re facing the same choice now. Always have been.”
“Don’t oversimplify. Broadly speaking, yes. In detail, it’s a lot different.” Mike levered himself up from his relaxed slouch. “Right now, John Chandler Simpson has two big advantages Quentin Underwood doesn’t. And I think—not sure yet—I just handed him a third.”
Frank cocked an eye. Smiling, Mike continued. “The first advantage he’s got is that he’s already taken a big set of lumps from me. False modesty aside, I give pretty big lumps in the political arena. Quentin hasn’t. Yet.”