Perhaps the declaration of the exclusion zone in the Norwegian Sea had
been too much like an ultimatum. Sometimes it seemed as if the Americans
believed they owned the oceans. Khenkin had been against the declaration, but
his superiors had overruled his objections. Now it seemed he was being proven
correct after all. Instead of backing away from the crisis in Norway, it
seemed the Americans were going to challenge the Soviet proclamation directly.
But even so, there were still options open. Still a few ways to make the plan
work.
“If the Americans are coming, it will risk everything,” Captain First
Rank Dmitri Yakovlevich Bodansky, Khenkin’s Chief of Staff, said quietly.
“Success depends upon winning Norway without provoking a wider conflict.”
“It is a danger, I agree, Dmitri,” the admiral replied slowly. “But it
can still be nullified if we are careful. The American President will know
that there is little their people can do to assist the Norwegians before our
army completes the reduction of the last remaining resistance. He ‘will be
seeing this as a gesture of defiance, a symbol to the world that the great
superpower does not accept the dictates of a foreign country. We would do the
same, would we not? I suspect the carrier battle group is functioning under
strict rules of engagement to avoid open confrontation.”
“You do not believe they are planning to support their allies, Admiral?”
Bodansky sounded incredulous.
“They are in a very awkward position. Soon there will be nothing left in
Norway to reinforce, and they cannot wage an effective war so far from home
without a friendly nation as a base. Who will help them? The Swedes and the
Danes will stay neutral if only because of the threat we pose. In fact they
will most likely scramble for the best possible terms. Germany is no friend
of America today. There is too much commercial competition there. The
English are adhering to socialism better than many of our own republics. When
that idiot Hussein invaded Kuwait the biggest mistake he made was in stopping
at the Saudi border. Had he gone on the Americans would never have been able
to dislodge him. It is a long, long way to America, Dmitri, and only a short
way to the Rodina.”
“So this is a gesture only?”
“Yes. If the only options are backing down or trying to fight a
long-range war without effective bases, the Americans will back down. They
are too afraid of a nuclear exchange to risk the chance of widening this
conflict further. All we need do now is make sure that there is no
large-scale engagement between our forces. Let them make their cruise into
the Norwegian Sea. We will watch them, remind them of their position, but we
will not provoke them far enough to force a response.”
Bodansky rubbed the scar on his chin. “If the weather down there is
getting heavier, satellite tracking will continue to be difficult. We cannot
afford to lose them, Admiral. Even if it is only to be sure we stay clear of
their ships.”
“I agree,” Khenkin said. “We must increase the aerial patrols in that
direction.”
“The one we sent yesterday did little enough,” Bodansky pointed out with
a harsh note in his voice. “They turned and ran as soon as American fighters
challenged them.”
“Then we must see to it that the Americans do not challenge any more of
our flights. I would say that a pair of escorting fighters would be most
useful for these reconnaissance operations. By tomorrow we will be in
position to use our own MiGs for this purpose, Dmitri. A chance to remind the
generals that the Red Banner Fleet has a major part to play in this, eh?”
“Da, Comrade Admiral.” Bodansky began scribbling notes on to a pad. He
stopped and looked straight at Khenkin. “Of course, Admiral, more escorts
will increase the risks as well.”
“They are acceptable risks, Dmitri. As long as we keep careful control
over events, we will not be stopped.” He paused. “Make arrangements for a
reconnaissance flight tomorrow morning. Twice daily until there is a break in
the weather.”
He turned away to consider a map of the theater of operations. Yes, the