him and to call him everything from traitor to mad dog, but I still think he was
both wise and benevoler I don’t care how many second-guessing historians don’t agree
with me.
“I propose,” said Manning, “that we begin by ir mobilizing all aircraft
throughout the world.”
The Secretary of Commerce raised his brov~ “Aren’t you,” he said, “being a
little fantastic, Colon Manning?”
“No, I’m not,” answered Manning shortly. “I’ being realistic. The key to
this problem is aircra Without aircraft the dust is an inefficient weapon. TI only
way I see to gain time enough to deal with t] whole problem is to ground all
aircraft and put the out of operation. All aircraft, that is, not actually the
service of the United States Army. After that ‘~ can deal with complete world
disarmament and pe manent methods of control.”
“Really now,” replied the Secretary, “you are n proposing that commercial
airlines be put out of o eration. They are an essential part of world econom It
would be an intolerable nuisance.”
“Getting killed is an intolerable nuisance, too Manning answered stubbornly.
“I do propose ju that. All aircraft. All.”
The President had been listening without comme to the discussion. He now cut
in. “How about aircra on which some groups depend to stay alive, Colom such as the
Alaskan lines?”
“If there are such, they must be operated by Ame can Army pilots and crews.
No exceptions.”
The Secretary of Commerce looked startled. “An to infer from that last
remark that you intended ti prohibition to apply to the United States as well other
nations?”
“Naturally.”
“But that’s impossible. It’s unconstitutional. It vi lates civil rights.”
“Killing a man violates his civil rights, too,” Ma ning answered stubbornly.
“You can’t do it. Any Federal Court in the country would enjoin you in five
minutes.”
“It seems to me,” said Manning slowly, “that Andy Jackson gave us a good
precedent for that one when he told John Marshall to go fly a kite.” He looked
slowly around the table at faces that ranged from undecided to antagonistic. “The
issue is sharp, gentlemen, and we might as well drag it out in the open. We can be
dead men, with everything in due order, constitutional, and technically correct; or
we can do what has to be done, stay alive, and try to straighten out the legal
aspects later.” He shut up and waited.
The Secretary of Labor picked it up. “I don’t think the Colonel has any
corner on realism. I think I see the problem, too, and I admit it is a serious one.
Page 54
The dust must never be used again. Had I known about it soon enough, it would never
have been used on Berlin. And I agree that some sort of worldwide control is
necessary. But where I differ with the Colonel is in the method. What he proposes is
a military dictatorship imposed by force on the whole world. Admit it, Colonel.
Isn’t that what you are proposing?”
Manning did not dodge it. “That is what I am proposing.
“Thanks. Now we know where we stand. I, for one, do not regard democratic
measures and constitutional procedure as of so little importance that I am willing
to jettison them any time it becomes convenient. To me, democracy is more than a
matter of expediency, it is a faith. Either it works, or I go under with it.”
“What do you propose?” asked the President.
“I propose that we treat this as an opportunity to create a worldwide
democratic commonwealth! Let us use our present dominant position to issue a call to
all nations to send representatives to a conference to form a world constitution.”
“League of Nations,” I heard someone mutter.
“No!” he answered the side remark. “Not a League of Nations. The old League
was helpless because it had no real existence, no power. It was not implementc to
enforce its decisions; it was just a debating societ a sham. This would be different
for we would turn ov the dust to it!”
Nobody spoke for some minutes. You could see them turning it over in their
minds, doubtful, partially approving, intrigued but dubious.