‘It’s no use,’ he said. ‘We are beaten. The Iron Heel is here. I had hoped for a peaceable victory at the ballot-box. I was wrong. Wickson was right. We shall be robbed of our few remaining liberties; the Iron Heel will walk upon our faces; nothing remains but a bloody revolution of the working class. Of course we will win, but I shudder to think of it.’
And from then on Ernest pinned his faith on revolution. In this he was in advance of his party. His fellow-socialists could not agree with him. They still insisted that victory could be gained through the elections. It was not that they were stunned. They were too cool-headed and courageous for that. They were merely incredulous, that was all. Ernest could not get them seriously to fear the coming of the Oligarchy. They were stirred by him, but they were too sure of their own strength. There was no room in their theoretical social evolution for an oligarchy, therefore the Oligarchy could not be.
‘We’ll send you to Congress and it will be all right,’ they told him at one of our secret meetings.
‘And when they take me out of Congress,’ Ernest replied coldly, ‘and put me against a wall, and blow my brains out—what then?’
‘Then we’ll rise in our might,’ a dozen voices answered at once.
‘Then you’ll welter in your gore,’ was his retort. ‘I’ve heard that song sung by the middle class, and where is it now in its might?’
1 The Black Hundreds were reactionary mobs organized by the perishing Autocracy in the Russian Revolution. These reactionary groups attacked the revolutionary groups and also, at needed moments, rioted and destroyed property so as to afford the Autocracy the pretext of calling out the Cossacks.
2 Under the capitalist régime these periods of hard times were as inevitable as they were absurd. Prosperity always brought calamity. This, of course, was due to the excess of unconsumed profits that was piled up.
3 Strike-breakers—these were, in purpose and practice and everything except name, the private soldiers of the capitalists. They were thoroughly organised and well armed, and they were held in readiness to be hurled in special trains to any part of the country where labour went out on strike or was locked out by the employers. Only those curious times could have given rise to the amazing spectacle of one Farley, a notorious commander of strikebreakers, who, in 1906, swept across the United States in special trains from New York to San Francisco with an army of twenty-five hundred men, fully armed and equipped, to break a strike of the San Francisco street carmen. Such an act was in direct violation of the laws of the land. The fact that this act, and thousands of similar acts, went unpunished, goes to show how completely the judiciary was the creature of the Plutocracy.
4 Bull-pen—in a miners’ strike in Idaho, in the latter part of the nineteenth century, it happened that many of the strikers were confined in a bull-pen by the troops. The practice and the name continued in the twentieth century.
5 The name only, and not the idea, was imported from Russia. The Black Hundreds were a development out of the secret agents of the capitalists, and their use arose in the labour struggles of the nineteenth century. There is no discussion of this. No less an authority of the time than Carrol D. Wright, United States Commissioner of Labour, is responsible for the statement. From his book, entitled ‘The Battles of Labour,’ is quoted the declaration that ‘in some of the great historic strikes the employers themselves have instigated acts of violence’; that manufacturers have deliberately provoked strikes in order to get rid of surplus stock; and that freight cars have been burned by employers’ agents during railroad strikes in order to increase disorder. It was out of these secret agents of the employers that the Black Hundreds arose; and it was they in turn, that later became that terrible weapon of the Oligarchy, the agents-provocateurs.
6 Wall Street—so named from a street in ancient New York, where was situated the stock exchange, and where the irrational organisation of society permitted under-handed manipulation of all the industries of the country.
Chapter 11
The Great Adventure
MR WICKSON did not send for father. They met by chance on the ferry boat to San Francisco, so that the warning he gave father was not premeditated. Had they not met accidentally, there would not have been any warning. Not that the outcome would have been different, however. Father came of stout old ‘Mayflower’1 stock, and the blood was imperative in him.
‘Ernest was right,’ he told me, as soon as he had returned home. ‘Ernest is a very remarkable young man, and I’d rather see you his wife than the wife of Rockefeller himself or the King of England.’
‘What’s the matter?’ I asked in alarm.
‘The Oligarchy is about to tread upon our faces—yours and mine. Wickson as much as told me so. He was very kind—for an oligarch. He offered to reinstate me in the university. What do you think of that? He, Wickson, a sordid money-grabber, has the power to determine whether I shall or shall not teach in the university of the state. But he offered me even better than that—offered to make me president of some great college of physical sciences that is being planned—the Oligarchy must get rid of its surplus somehow, you see.
‘”Do you remember what I told that socialist lover of your daughter’s?” he said. “I told him that we would walk upon the faces of the working class. And so we shall. As for you, I have for you a deep respect as a scientist; but if you throw your fortunes in with the working class—well, watch out for your face, that is all.” And then he turned and left me.’
‘It means we’ll have to marry earlier than you planned,’ was Ernest’s comment when we told him.
I could not follow his reasoning, but I was soon to learn it. It was at this time that the quarterly dividend of the Sierra Mills was paid—or, rather, should have been paid, for father did not receive his. After waiting several days, father wrote to the secretary. Promptly came the reply that there was no record on the books of father’s owning any stock, and a polite request for more explicit information.
‘I’ll make it explicit enough, confound him,’ father declared, and departed for the bank to get the stock in question from his safe-deposit box.
‘Ernest is a very remarkable man,’ he said when he got back and while I was helping him off with his overcoat. ‘I repeat, my daughter, that young man of yours is a very remarkable young man.’
I had learned, whenever he praised Ernest in such fashion, to expect disaster.
‘They have already walked upon my face,’ father explained. ‘There was no stock. The box was empty. You and Ernest will have to get married pretty quickly.’
Father insisted on laboratory methods. He brought the Sierra Mills into court, but he could not bring the books of the Sierra Mills into court. He did not control the courts, and the Sierra Mills did. That explained it all. He was thoroughly beaten by the law, and the barefaced robbery held good.
It is almost laughable now, when I look back on it, the way father was beaten. He met Wickson accidentally on the street in San Francisco, and he told Wickson that he was a damned scoundrel. And then father was arrested for attempted assault, fined in the police court, and bound over to keep the peace. It was all so ridiculous that when he got home he had to laugh himself. But what a furore was raised in the local papers! There was grave talk about the bacillus of violence that infected all men who embrace socialism; and father, with his long and peaceful life, was instanced as a shining example of how the bacillus of violence worked. Also, it was asserted by more than one paper that father’s mind had weakened under the strain of scientific study, and confinement in a state asylum for the insane was suggested. Nor was this merely talk. It was an imminent peril. But father was wise enough to see it. He had the Bishop’s experience to lesson from, and he lessoned well. He kept quiet, no matter what injustice was perpetrated on him, and really, I think, surprised his enemies.
There was the matter of the house—our home. A mortgage was foreclosed on it, and we had to give up possession. Of course there wasn’t any mortgage, and never had been any mortgage. The ground had been bought outright, and the house had been paid for when it was built. And house and lot had always been free and unencumbered. Nevertheless there was the mortgage, properly and legally drawn up and signed, with a record of the payments of interest through a number of years. Father made no outcry. As he had been robbed of his money, so was he now robbed of his home. And he had no recourse. The machinery of society was in the hands of those who were bent on breaking him. He was a philosopher at heart, and he was no longer even angry.