Rear Admiral Sergei Lermontov looked around the opulent facilities and nodded. “I need not ask if this office is secure,” he said.
“To the best Centurion Calvin can manage, and I checked myself as well, sir,” Falkenberg said. He shrugged. “Admiral, is anything secure in these times?”
“You ask correct question,” Lermontov said. “And answer is no, despite all we can do.” He looked significantly at the golden pips on Falkenberg’s epaulettes. “At least we are gathering tools. There is much can be done with a regiment under proper command. Yours.”
“You’re saying I can keep the 42nd?”
“Unlikely as this seems. We have unusual situation in Grand Senate, coalition in our favor together with urgent need for regiment commanded by one of us. You become colonel and keep regiment. I become Vice Admiral.” He nodded. “And perhaps more, if you are successful. But we must act quickly.”
“Act quickly? Sir?”
“Yes. Transport brings battalion of Fleet Marines to take up duties here. That will be sufficient, now, I believe? Your report indicates there is no opposition remaining that would strain such resources.”
“That’s true enough, sir. Provided that the local militia stays loyal.”
“This is problem?”
Falkenberg shook his head slowly. “Not a big problem. The local militia leader is my wife’s father, which is to say, my wife, given Tobias’s failing health. As long as Grace is here, the situation is stable, sir.” Falkenberg’s face held no expression. “Of course that may present a problem for me. You haven’t said where you intend sending the 42nd.”
“Far, and probably for long time,” Lermontov said. “Two years at least. This will be permanent change, there is transportation for all dependents.” He paused. “I must be honest. You will not come back to Kennicott in any case. There is other work for 42nd Line Marines under your command.”
“The situation here won’t change, Admiral,” Falkenberg said. “The miners trust Tobias and Grace. So do the owners. Without them the peace here falls apart.”
“I know.”
“You ask a lot. Sir.” Falkenberg said.
“I offer much,” Lermontov said. “Regiment to officer who was captain before Ararat campaign.”
Falkenberg shook his head. “Colonel of 42nd, against commander of planetary militia. My wife’s family is rich, Admiral. Why would a colonel’s pay be tempting? We both know I’ll never be anything more than a Line Marine colonel no matter what your influence.”
“True enough. There is no question that if you choose to leave service, I cannot prevent, and you will certainly have more pleasant life.”
Falkenberg nodded. “So.”
“So I need you,” Lermontov said. “Shall I be dramatic? Human race needs you.”
“That’s dramatic enough. Unlikely to be true, but dramatic enough.”
“Is quite true,” Lermontov said. “Shall I explain?”
PART TWO: MERCENARY
From the last West Point lecture by Professor John Christian Falkenberg, II, delivered at the United States Military Academy immediately prior to the reorganization of the Academy. After the Academy was restructured to reflect rising nationalism in the United States, Falkenberg as a CoDominium Professor was unwelcome in any event; but the content of this lecture would have assured that anyway.
Crofton’s Essays and Lectures in Military History, 2nd Edition.
* * *
“All large and important institutions change slowly. It is probably as well that this is true for the military; but well or not, it is inevitable. It takes time to build history and traditions, and military organizations with no history and traditions are generally ineffective.
“There are of course notable exceptions to this rule, although some of the more popular cases do not bear examination. For example, Colonel Michael Hoare’s Fifth Commando in Katanga in the 1960s, while rightly studied as a harbinger of the growth of mercenary organizations in this century, owed much of its justly celebrated success to the incompetence—including frequent drunkenness—of its opposition. Moreover, Hoare, by recruiting most of his officers and non-coms, and many of his troopers, from British veterans, was able to draw on the long history and tradition of the British Army.
“I dare say something of this sort will happen in the future, as many CoDominium military units are disbanded. It is conceivable that entire units will be hired on by one or another patron. Certainly a small cohesive unit accustomed to working together would be preferable to a larger group of mercenaries.
“The building of the CoDominium military forces is itself an illustrative case; once again, by incorporating disbanded units such as the French Légion Étrangére, the Cameron Highlanders, and the Cossack Adventurers, a fighting force was able to appropriate to itself considerable history and tradition. Even so, it has taken decades to build the CoDominium Line Marines into the formidable force they have become.
“However, I bring up the subject of changing institutions for another reason. We are seeing, I believe, the completion of yet another full cycle in the history of violence and civilization. As late as the turn of the Millennium, most military organizations were motivated by national patriotism, and the ‘Laws of War’ were treated either as a joke, as unwanted restrictions on military action, or, as in the case of the infamous ‘War Crimes’ trials following World War II, as a means of retaliation against a defeated enemy.
“Then, during the course of this century, the Laws of War have become quite important, and have often been observed; and where they are not observed there is a good chance that the CoDominium Fleet will punish those who violate them—particularly if the violation involves CoDominium citizens, and inevitably if it involves a member of the Fleet.
“Now I believe we are entering a new period; one in which the nationalist forces will pursue a new policy of expediency, while the CoDominium and mercenary units continue to observe and insist on the Laws of War. Now it would appear that the outcome of such a conflict is predictable: that the organizations which recognize no limitations save expediency will always triumph over those which restrict their uses of military power. This is not impossible. I do not believe it will be inevitable.
However, many do believe that the Laws of War will go the way of the Rights of Neutrals in the last century. After all, the United States, having entered World War I ostensibly to protect the rights of neutral vessels on the high seas, within days of entering World War II declared unrestricted submarine warfare against Germany and Japan; while the Allied powers, having denounced Japanese actions against Nanking in the 1930s, had no scruples about bombing civilians and open cities as the war progressed, culminating in Hiroshima, Nagasaki, and the fire raids against Tokyo.
“By the end of World War II, few observed any limits on the use of military power. Allied units regularly took civilian hostages and exposed civilian officials to danger as a means of discouraging partisan activity. Most of these actions had been taken by the German Army and of course had been denounced at the time.
“That expedient view ruled by absolute monarchs. Even those who were not so ruled neither expected nor demanded the lump-in-the-throat type of allegiance later to be associated with the nationalist states. Armies were commanded by members of an international nobility who spoke French as their lingua franca and switched sides as they saw fit. They were manned by personnel who, often enlisted by trickery and kept in the ranks by main force, cared nothing for honor, duty, or country . . .
“‘In each of the three above periods, as well as in many others which witnessed the same phenomenon, the transformation of war into something akin to a game did not pass without comment. What some people took as a sign of piety or reason or progress, others saw as proof of stupidity, effeminacy, and degeneration. During the last years before the French Revolution, Gibbon praised war for its moderation and expressed the hope that it would soon disappear altogether. Simultaneously, a French nobleman, the Comte de Guibet, was cutting a figure among the ladies of the salons by denouncing the prevailing military practices as degenerate and calling for a commander and a people who, to use his own words, would tear apart the feeble constitution of Europe like the north wind bending the reeds . . .’
“Gentlemen and ladies, I invite you to reflect on this. We live in a time when the major powers of the Earth are governed by what can only be called self perpetuating oligarchies. While there is more ostensible turnover in the compositions of the Congress of the United States and the Supreme Soviet than there was in the last decade of the twentieth century, there is not a lot more, and what turnover there is happens to be meaningless; the new master is indistinguishable from the old.
“Nor is it important that these oligarchs think themselves important doing important work—indeed that they are important and do important work. The effect has been to alienate the Citizen entirely; while the taxpayer supports the present system only because he fears the loss of his privileges—because he fears he will be cast into the lot of the Citizen. The same is true in the Soviet system, where Party Members have long ago lost confidence in the possibility of reform, and now do no more than jealously hold onto their privileges.