The death toll from last night’s gang-related shoot-out at St. Stephen’s Church in Brooklyn has risen to eight. The most recent to die was one of the gunmen, of injuries received while being kicked and stamped by parishioners at the scene. Another gunman has reportedly told police the intended target was thought to be attending vesper services at St. Stephen’s.
Twenty-seven people were wounded. Six are in serious or critical condition.
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. . . . In times of major social stress, political power tends to gravitate to the ruthless, and ruthlessness is dangerous to democracy, especially when government is ineffective, as ours has become. The American trilateral system—the executive, the legislative, and the judicial—was reasonably functional in a two-party political environment. Initially the two parties were the Federalists and the Democratic-Republicans. Over time the country changed, and with it, the issues and party labels. Third and even fourth parties appeared from time to time, but they were minor. When one became major, it became one of the two, replacing a predecessor.
Now we have four major parties, with two minor parties snapping on the fringes. Our system and our constitution were not intended for four parties—particularly the Senate, with only a third of its members exposed to replacement at any election.
Thus Florence Metzger was voted into the White House with far less than a majority, and her Centrist Party into dominance in the House of Representatives. But a Republican-Americist coalition controlled the Senate until this year. It still controls important budget legislation, because the Balanced Budget Amendment requires a two-thirds majority for emergency deficit spending. And in our new Great Depression, that shortcoming could prove deadly. Especially with the most extreme social stresses the nation has experienced since the War Between the States.
Scene from a Tall Soapbox
Henry Clay Johnson
the Cleveland Plain-Dealer Syndicate
The people around the long table were the President’s specialists on civil order, a term that sounded better than civil disorder. “Madam President,” said one, “this might be the time to reconsider declaring martial law.”
“I have considered it. And the time may come, but it’s not here yet.”
“It might be better to do it before it’s necessary. To preclude its becoming necessary.”
“William, I can see why you’d feel that way. But if you think we have problems now . . . I’m tempted to have you sit down and write a list of probable side effects. If I declare it at all, it’ll be when it won’t result in a revolt by Congress, and an insurrection by a sizeable part of the public.”
The man subsided, blushing faintly. A lawyer who blushes, thought Florence Metzger. She looked around the table at the vice president, attorney general, FBI director, her now embarrassed anti-terrorism advisor, the chairman of the joint chiefs . . . The blind leading the blind, she told herself.
“Everett, update us on your anti-terrorist platoons.”
General Stearns grunted, his broad mouth turning down at the corners. “All but one platoon is trained, drilled, and installed. Obviously they haven’t been tested yet, and I hope they never are, but they’re as good as training can make them. The men were chosen from ranger battalions on the basis of their personnel files. Most are married, exemplary family men, and none has a history of extremist sympathies or bigotry. We did our best, and we’ve trained them very carefully for their new roles.”
He glanced around at the others before returning his focus to Florence Metzger. “We now have a platoon at each of four military posts.” He took discs from a briefcase and passed them around the table. “I’m trusting everyone here not to mention these platoons. Their existence hasn’t leaked yet, and I trust it won’t. To explain their special training, we’ve called them a Delta Force, but that wouldn’t hold up under close examination.” He spread his hands, palms out. “That’s all I have.”
The other council members were called on in turn. When they were done, they discussed, briefly, the overall scene, then the President dismissed them. No one had commented on the problem the anti-terrorist platoons might cause with Congress, when it learned of them. But Heinie Brock and the attorney general were well aware of the worrisome potential.