“Whatever the reasons, he stayed put,” the President said. “That may not be the case here.
General VanZandt?” The tall, distinguished African-American officer opened a folder in front of him. “I have here a printout on the man’s career. He signed up with the army thirty-two years ago and worked his way through the ranks. He was on the right side-or rather the left side-of the right-wing coup which attempted to overthrow the king in 1981. He was wounded in action and received a medal for bravery. After that he rose quickly.
Interestingly, he never opposed NATO but he didn’t participate in joint maneuvers. In letters to superior officers he advocated a strong national defense which didn’t rely on outside help-“interference,” he called it. He did, however, spend a lot of time entertaining and being entertained by Soviet troops during the 1980’s. CIA intelligence puts him in Afghanistan in 1982 as an observer.” “No doubt he was observing how to oppress people,” Carol Lanning suggested.
“It’s very possible,” VanZandt replied. “During this time Amadori was also heavily involved in Spanish military intelligence and appears to have used his trips abroad to establish contacts there.
His name came up in at least two CIA debriefings of captured Soviet spies.” “In what context?” Hood asked.
VanZandt looked down at the printout. ” “In one case as a man whom the spy had seen at a meeting with a Soviet officer-Amadori was wearing his nameplate- and in the second case as someone to whom intelligence was to be reported in a matter involving a West German businessman who was trying to buy a Spanish newspaper.” “So,” the President said, “what we’re dealing with here is someone who’s familiar with a failed coup in his own country and with antirebel tactics in other nations. He also has a lifetime of contacts, intelligence gathering capability, and virtual control of the Spanish military.
Ambassador Abril fears, and not without some justification, that both Portugal and France are at risk. Running Spain as a military state, Amadori would be ideally positioned to undermine both governments over time and move troops in.” “Over NATO’S dead body,” VanZandt said.
“You forget. General,” the President replied.
“Amadori appears to have engineered this takeover as a progovernment action. He allowed a conspiracy to get going and then crushed it. It’s a brilliant strategy: let an enemy show itself then crush it. And while you’re crushing it, make the government look corrupt and crush them too.” ” “Whether he runs France or Portugal personally or puts in a puppet regime,” banning said thoughtfully, “he still calls the shots.” “Exactly,” said the President. “What came out of my conversation with Abril and the Vice-President is that there’s going to be a new government in Spain.
There’s no dispute about that. But we also agreed that whoever comes to power in Spain, it mustn’t be Amadori. So the first question is, do we have the time and sufficient manpower to turn anyone there against him? And if not, is there any way that we can get to him ourselves?” VanZandt shook his head and sat back. “This is a rotten business, Mr. President,” he said.
“A dirty, rotten business.” “I think so too. General,” the President replied. He sounded surprisingly contrite. “But unless anyone’s got any ideas, I don’t see any way around it.” “How about waiting?” CIA Director Fox asked. “This Amadori may self-destruct. Or the people may not buy him.” “Every indication is that he’s getting stronger by the hour,” said the President. “It may be by default: he’s killing the opposition. Am I wrong about that, Paul?” Hood shook his head. “One of my people was there when he executed factory workers who maym ayhave opposed him.” “When did this happen?” Lanning asked, openly horrified.
“Within the hour,” Hood told her.
“This man has the makings of a genocidal maniac,” she said.
“I don’t know about that,” said Hood, “but he certainly seems determined to seize Spain.” “And we’re determined to stop him,” the President said.
“How?” asked Burkow. “We can’t do it officially.
Paul, Marius-have we got people underground there that we can count on?” “I’ll have to ask our contact in Madrid,” Fox said. ” “That kind of work hasn’t been a part of our repertoire for a while.” Burkow looked at Hood. So did the President. Hood said nothing. With Fox effectively out of the front line, he knew what was coming.
“Paul, your Striker team is en route to Spain,” the President said, “and Darrell McCaskey is already there. You’re also working with an Interpol agent who surrendered to the troops at that factory massacre. What about her, Paul? Can she be counted on?” “She surrendered to try and get to Amadori,” Hood acknowledged. “But we don’t know what she’ll do if and when she gets to him.
Whether she’ll reconnoiter or try and neutralize him.” Hood hated himself for using that euphemism. They were talking about assassination-the same thing they’d all deplored when it happened to Martha Mackall. And for exactly the same reason: politics. This was, truly, a dirty, stinking business. He wished that he were with his family instead of here.
“What’s this woman’s name?” the President asked.
“Maria Corneja, Mr. President,” Hood replied. “We have a file on her. She was attached to Op-Center for several months when we were first commissioned. She learned from us and we from her.” “What would Ms. Comeja do if she had the support of a team like Striker?” the President asked.
“I’m not sure,” Hood answered honestly.
“I’m not sure it would even make a difference. She’s tough and pretty independent.” “Find out, Paul,” the President said. “But do it quietly. I want this to stay at Op-Center from now until it’s finished.” “I understand,” Hood said. His voice was a low monotone. His spirits were even lower. No one else had even offered to jump in with him.
He wasn’t a boy. He knew that there might come a time when it would be necessary to stage a black-ops action like this-the use of Striker or one of his people to target and take out an enemy. Now that it was here he didn’t like it. Not the job and not the fact that OpCenter was on its own. If they succeeded, a man was dead. If they failed, this would be on their consciences for the rest of their lives. There was no clean way out of it.
Carol Lanning must have understood that. She and Hood remained seated at the table, side by side, as the President and the others left. The men all said goodnight to Hood but nothing more. What could they say? Good luck? Break a leg? Shoot him once for me?
When the room was empty, Carol put her hand on Hood’s.
“I’m sorry,” she said. “It’s no fun being disavowed.” “Or set up,” Hood said.
“Hmmm,” she replied. “You don’t think anyone else knew what the President was planning?” Hood shook his head. “And when they leave here, they’ll forget he ever suggested it. Like he said, this is Op-Center’s play.” He shook his head again.
“The damn thing is it’s not even retribution. The men who killed Martha are dead.” “I know,” Carol said. “Nobody ever said this business was fair.” “No, they didn’t.” Hood wanted to get up.
But he was too damn tired and way too disgusted to even think about moving.
“If I can do anything for you, unofficially, let me know,” she said. She squeezed his hand again and rose.
“Paul-it’s a job. You can’t afford to look at it any other way.” “Thanks,” Hood said. “But if I do that I can’t see how I’ll be any different than Amadori.” She smiled. “Oh, you will be, Paul. You’ll never try to convince yourself that what you’re doing is right.
Only necessary.” Hood didn’t really see the distinction, but this wasn’t the time to try to find it. Because, like it or not, he did have a job to do. And he was going to have to help Striker and Aideen Marley and Darrell McCaskey do their jobs as well.
He rose slowly and left with Carol. It was ironic. He once thought that running Los Angeles was difficult: angering special interests with everything you did and living in the public eye. Now he was working undercover and feeling as alone-personally and professionally-as a person could be.
He didn’t remember who had said that in order to lead men you had to turn your back on them. But they were right, which was why Michael Lawrence was President and he wasn’t. That was why someone like Michael Lawrence had to be President.
Hood would do this job because he had to. After that, he vowed, he would do no more. Here in the White House-which had awed him less than an hour before-he vowed that however this ended he would leave Op-Center… and get his family back.