The Worlds of Robert A. Heinlein

simple abolition of mass killing.

There is no science of sociology. Perhaps there will be, some day, when a

rigorous physics gives a finished science of colloidal chemistry and that

leads in turn to a complete knowledge of biology, and from there to a

definitive psychology. After that we may begin to know something about

sociology and politics. Something around the year 5,000 A.D., maybe—if the

human race does not commit suicide before then.

Until then, there is only horse sense and rule of thumb and observational

knowledge of probabilities. Manning and the President played by ear.

The treaties with Great Britain, Germany and the Eurasian Union, whereby we

assumed the responsibility for world peace and at the same time guaranteed

the contracting nations against our own misuse of power were rushed through

in the period of relief and goodwill that immediately followed the

termination of the Four-days War. We followed the precedents established by

the Panama Canal treaties, the Suez Canal agreements, and the Philippine

Independence policy.

But the purpose underneath was to commit future governments of the United

States to an irrevocable benevolent policy.

The act to implement the treaties by creating the Commission of World

Safety followed soon after, and Colonel Manning became Mr. Commissioner

Manning. Commissioners had a life tenure and the intention was to create a

body with the integrity, permanence and freedom from outside pressure

possessed by the supreme court of the United States. Since the treaties

contemplated an eventual joint trust, commissioners need not be American

citizens—and the oath they took was to preserve the peace of the world.

There was trouble getting that clause past the Congress! Every other

similar oath had been to the Constitution of the United States.

Nevertheless the Commission was formed. It took charge of world aircraft,

assumed jurisdiction over radio-actives, natural and artificial, and

commenced the long slow task of building up the Peace Patrol.

Manning envisioned a corps of world policemen, an aristocracy which through

selection and indoctrination, could be trusted with unlimited power over

the life of every man, every woman, every child on the face of the globe.

For the power would be unlimited, the precautions necessary to insure the

unbeatable weapon from getting loose in the world again made it axiomatic

that its custodians would wield power that is safe only in the hands of

Deity. There would be no one to guard those self same guardians. Their own

characters and the watch they kept on each other would be all that stood

between the race and disaster.

For the first time in history, supreme political power was to be exerted

with no possibility of checks and balances from the outside. Manning took

up the task of perfecting it was a dragging subconscious conviction that it

was too much for human nature.

The rest of the Commission was appointed slowly, the names being sent to

the Senate after long joint consideration by the President and Manning. The

director of the Red Cross, an obscure little professor of history from

Switzerland, Dr. Igor Rimski who had developed the Karst-Obre technique

independently and whom the A. P. F. had discovered in prison after the

dusting of Moscow—those three were the only foreigners. The rest of the

list is well known.

Ridpath and his staff were of necessity the original technical crew of the

Commission; United States Army and Navy pilots its first patrolmen. Not all

of the pilots available were needed; their records were searched, their

habits and associates investigated, their mental processes and emotional

attitudes examined by the best psychological research methods

available—which weren’t good enough. Their final acceptance for the Patrol

depended on two personal interviews, one with Manning, one with the

President.

Manning told me that he depended more on the President’s feeling for

character than he did on all the association and reaction tests the

psychologists could think up. “It’s like the nose of a bloodhound,” he

said. “In his forty years of practical politics he has seen more phonies

than you and I will ever see and each one was trying to sell him something.

He can tell one in the dark.”

The long-distance plan included the schools for the indoctrination of cadet

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