The pederast was a young man, perhaps early twenties, and he’d been surprisingly attentive to his charge. Whether out of an appreciation for the murderer’s pain or just to appear to be worthy of mercy himself, it didn’t matter. Moudi zoomed the camera in. The man’s skin was flushed and dry, his movements slow and achy. The doctor lifted the phone. A minute later, one of the army medics came into the picture. He spoke briefly with the pederast, then poked the thermometer into his ear before leaving the room and lifting a corridor phone.
“Subject Eight has a temperature of thirty-nine-point-two and reports fatigue and aches in his extremities. His ‘ eyes are red and puffy,” the medic reported brusquely. It was to be expected that the medics would not feel the same degree of empathy for any of the test subjects that they’d felt for Sister Jean Baptiste. Even though the latter had been an infidel, at least she’d been a woman of virtue. That was manifestly not true of the men in the room, and it made things easier for everyone.
“Thank you.”
So, it was true, Moudi told himself. The Mayinga strain was indeed airborne. Now it only remained to be seen if it had fully transmitted itself, that this new victim would die from it. When half of the second group showed symp-
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toms, they would be moved across the hall to a treatment room of their own, and the first group–they were all fatally afflicted with the Ebola–would be medically terminated.
The director would be pleased, Moudi knew. The latest step in the experiment had been as successful as those before. It was now increasingly certain that they had a weapon in their hands such as no man had ever wielded. Isn’t that wonderful, the physician observed to himself.
THE FLIGHT OUT was always easier on the disposition. Movie Star walked through the metal detector, stopped, had the magic wand waved over him, resulting in the usual embarrassment over his gold Cross pen, and then he walked to the first-class lounge, without even looking around for the policemen who, if they were about, would stop him here and now. But they weren’t, and they didn’t. His carry-on bag had a leather-bound clipboard in it, but he wouldn’t take that out quite yet. The flight was called in due course, and he walked to the jetway, and quickly found his seat in the front of the 747. The flight was only half full, and that made things very convenient. No sooner had the aircraft lifted off than he took out his pad and started recording all the things he’d not wished to commit to paper just yet. As usual, his photographic memory helped, and he worked for three solid hours until, over mid-Atlantic, he succumbed to the need for sleep. He suspected, correctly, that he’d need it.
29
FULL COURT
IT MIGHT BE HIS LAST shot, Kealty knew, again using in his own mind a metaphor denoting firearms. The irony of it never registered. He had more important things to do. The previous evening he had been summoning his remaining press contacts–the reliable ones. Others had, if not exactly backed away, at least maintained a discreet distance in their uncertainty, but for most, it wasn’t all that hard to get their attention, and his two-hour midnight meeting had been called on the basis of a few key words and phrases known to excite their professional sensibilities. After that all he had to do was set the rules. This was all on background, not for attribution, not to be quoted. The reporters agreed, of course.
“It’s pretty disturbing. The FBI subjected the whole top floor of the State Department to lie-detector tests,” he told them. It was something they’d heard about but not yet confirmed. This would count as confirmation. “But more disturbingly, look at the policies we’re seeing now. Build up defense under this Bretano guy–a guy who’s grown up within the military-industrial complex. He says he wants to eliminate all the safeguards within the procurement system, wants to slash congressional oversight. And George Winston, what does he want to do? Wreck the tax system, make it more regressive, do away with capital-gains entirely–and why? To lay the country’s whole tax burden on the middle and working classes and give the big shots a free ride, that’s why.
“I never figured Ryan for a professional, for a competent sort of man to occupy the presidency, but I have to tell you, this is not what I expected. He’s a reactionary, a radical conservative–I’m not sure what you’d call him.”
“Are you sure about the thing at State?” the New York Times asked.
Kealty nodded. “Positive, hundred percent. You mean
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you people haven’t–come on, are you doing your job?” he asked tiredly. “In the middle of a Mideast crisis, he has the FBI harassing the most senior people we have, trying to accuse them of stealing a letter that was never there.”
“And now,” Realty’s chief of staff added, seeming to speak out of turn, “we have the Washington Post about to run a canonization piece on Ryan.”
“Wait a minute,” the Post reporter said, straightening his back, “that’s Bob Holtzman, not my doing. I told my AME that it wasn’t a good idea.”
“Who’s the leak?” Kealty asked.
“I don’t have a clue. Bob never lets that out. You know that.”
“So what is Ryan doing at CIA? He wants to triple the Directorate of Operations–the spies. Just what the country needs, right? What is Ryan doing?” Kealty asked rhetorically. “Beefing up defense. Rewriting the tax code to benefit the fat cats. And taking CIA back to the days of the Cold War. We’re going back to the 1950s–why?” Kealty demanded. ” Why is he doing all this? What is he thinking about? Am I the only one in this city asking questions? When are you people going to do your job? He’s trying to bully Congress, and succeeding, and where is the media? Who’s protecting the people out there?”
“What are you saying, Ed?” the Times asked.
The gesture of frustration was done with consummate skill. “I’m standing in my own political grave here. I have nothing to gain by this, but I can’t just stand by and do nothing. Even if Ryan has the entire power of our government behind him, I can’t just let him and his cronies try to concentrate all of the power of our government in a few hands, increase their own ability to spy on us, load the tax system in such a way as to further enrich people who’ve never paid their fair share, reward the defense industry–what’s next, trashing the civil rights laws? He’s flying his wife to work every day, and you people haven’t even remarked that that’s never happened before. This is an imperial presidency like Lyndon Johnson never dreamed of, without a Congress to do anything about it. You know what we have here now?” Kealty gave them a
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moment. “King Jack the First. Somebody’s supposed to care about that. Why is it that you people don’t?”
“What do you know about the Holtzman piece?” the Boston Globe wanted to know.
“Ryan has a lively history in CIA. He’s killed people.”
“James fucking Bond,” Kealty’s chief of staff said on cue. The Post reporter then had to defend his publication’s honor:
“Holtzman doesn’t say that. If you mean the time the terrorists came to–”
“No, not that. Holtzman’s going to write about the Moscow thing. Ryan didn’t even set that up. It was Judge Arthur Moore, when he was DCI. Ryan was the front man. It’s bad enough anyway. It interfered with the inner workings of the old Soviet Union, and it never occurred to anyone that maybe that wasn’t such a great idea–I mean, what the hell, right, screwing around with the government of a’country with ten thousand warheads pointed at us–you know, people, that’s called an act of war, like? And why? To rescue their head thug from a purge for stepping over the line so that we could crack a spy ring inside CIA. I bet he didn’t tell Holtzman that, did he?”
“I haven’t seen the story,” the Post reporter admitted. “I’ve only heard a few things.” It was almost worthy of a smile. Kealty’s sources inside the paper were better than those of the senior political reporter. “Okay, you say Ryan has killed people like James Bond. Support that,” he said in a flat voice.
“Four years ago, remember the bombs in Colombia, took out some cartel members?” Kealty waited for the nod. “That was a CIA operation. Ryan went to Colombia–and that was another act of war, people. That’s two that I know about.”
It was amusing to Kealty that Ryan was so skillfully conniving at his own destruction. The PLAN BLUE move within CIA was already rippling through the Directorate of Intelligence, many of whose senior people faced either early retirement or the diminution of their bureaucratic empires, and many of those enjoyed walking the corridors of power. It was easy for them to think that they were vital