Heinlein, Robert A – Expanded Universe

him and to call him everything from traitor to mad dog, but I still think he was

both wise and benevoler I don’t care how many second-guessing historians don’t agree

with me.

“I propose,” said Manning, “that we begin by ir mobilizing all aircraft

throughout the world.”

The Secretary of Commerce raised his brov~ “Aren’t you,” he said, “being a

little fantastic, Colon Manning?”

“No, I’m not,” answered Manning shortly. “I’ being realistic. The key to

this problem is aircra Without aircraft the dust is an inefficient weapon. TI only

way I see to gain time enough to deal with t] whole problem is to ground all

aircraft and put the out of operation. All aircraft, that is, not actually the

service of the United States Army. After that ‘~ can deal with complete world

disarmament and pe manent methods of control.”

“Really now,” replied the Secretary, “you are n proposing that commercial

airlines be put out of o eration. They are an essential part of world econom It

would be an intolerable nuisance.”

“Getting killed is an intolerable nuisance, too Manning answered stubbornly.

“I do propose ju that. All aircraft. All.”

The President had been listening without comme to the discussion. He now cut

in. “How about aircra on which some groups depend to stay alive, Colom such as the

Alaskan lines?”

“If there are such, they must be operated by Ame can Army pilots and crews.

No exceptions.”

The Secretary of Commerce looked startled. “An to infer from that last

remark that you intended ti prohibition to apply to the United States as well other

nations?”

“Naturally.”

“But that’s impossible. It’s unconstitutional. It vi lates civil rights.”

“Killing a man violates his civil rights, too,” Ma ning answered stubbornly.

“You can’t do it. Any Federal Court in the country would enjoin you in five

minutes.”

“It seems to me,” said Manning slowly, “that Andy Jackson gave us a good

precedent for that one when he told John Marshall to go fly a kite.” He looked

slowly around the table at faces that ranged from undecided to antagonistic. “The

issue is sharp, gentlemen, and we might as well drag it out in the open. We can be

dead men, with everything in due order, constitutional, and technically correct; or

we can do what has to be done, stay alive, and try to straighten out the legal

aspects later.” He shut up and waited.

The Secretary of Labor picked it up. “I don’t think the Colonel has any

corner on realism. I think I see the problem, too, and I admit it is a serious one.

Page 54

The dust must never be used again. Had I known about it soon enough, it would never

have been used on Berlin. And I agree that some sort of worldwide control is

necessary. But where I differ with the Colonel is in the method. What he proposes is

a military dictatorship imposed by force on the whole world. Admit it, Colonel.

Isn’t that what you are proposing?”

Manning did not dodge it. “That is what I am proposing.

“Thanks. Now we know where we stand. I, for one, do not regard democratic

measures and constitutional procedure as of so little importance that I am willing

to jettison them any time it becomes convenient. To me, democracy is more than a

matter of expediency, it is a faith. Either it works, or I go under with it.”

“What do you propose?” asked the President.

“I propose that we treat this as an opportunity to create a worldwide

democratic commonwealth! Let us use our present dominant position to issue a call to

all nations to send representatives to a conference to form a world constitution.”

“League of Nations,” I heard someone mutter.

“No!” he answered the side remark. “Not a League of Nations. The old League

was helpless because it had no real existence, no power. It was not implementc to

enforce its decisions; it was just a debating societ a sham. This would be different

for we would turn ov the dust to it!”

Nobody spoke for some minutes. You could see them turning it over in their

minds, doubtful, partially approving, intrigued but dubious.