you please, gentlemen, let’s get this show on the road. We’re on a tight
deadline. You’ve all seen the briefings and read Mr. Duvall’s report. We’ve
got one hell of a situation here, with the Russian Baltic Fleet coming out
into the North Sea. The President needs our advice on how best to handle this
new … development.” He looked at the Secretary of State. “Bob? Let’s
start with you. What about our European allies?”
Robert Heideman held a pen between his hands before him on the table. He
still looked worried and seemed unable to meet the eyes of the others in the
room. “There still is no word from Germany,” he said. “There have been
numerous, um, rumors of Soviet invasions along their Baltic coast but nothing
substantive. So far at least, the Russians seem to be restricting their
activities to the Scandinavian land mass and to the Danish islands of Bornholm
and, of course, Sjxland. Our best guess is that Germany and France intend to
pursue a wait-and-see policy, that they do not perceive an immediate threat
from the Russians at this time.”
“Damn it, Mr. Secretary,” Admiral Scott growled. “The Russians have just
invaded Denmark, marched in and grabbed Copenhagen, for God’s sake, and the
Germans don’t feel threatened?”
“It’s a matter of perspective, Admiral,” Heideman replied. He pursed his
lips. “Both Germany and France feel somewhat, um, isolated by the Soviet
moves in Scandinavia. Berlin and Paris have been in almost constant
consultation since the beginning of the crisis. Even united, however, they
cannot hope to stop the Russians by themselves. And I imagine they are
uncertain about our intentions in the region. One carrier group is not enough
to stop the Russian tide.”
“Are you suggesting we go in with more? As I recall, you’ve taken the
position all along that we shouldn’t be in Norway at all.”
“I still don’t think an active military presence in Scandinavia is going
to help, no. As a message to the Russians that we intended to support our
Scandinavian friends, yes, sending the carrier battle group in was a valid
strategy. Now, though …” He spread his hands helplessly. “Now we’re
trapped, engaged in direct military confrontation with the Soviets. If we
back down, we show our weakness. If we push on, send reinforcements in to
back up our assets in the battle zone, we risk losing … everything.”
“What about Great Britain?” Waring slouched in his chair with one arm
draped over the back. “Any guesses on what are the Brits going to do?”
Heideman shrugged. “They’ll come out solidly against the Russians,
that’s certain. With the Socialists out, Lloyd Whitmore has been asked to
form a new government. He’s Tory, solidly conservative and anti-socialist.
He’ll choose a cabinet that will push for England to stand up against the
Russians. But it will take time, too much time. The current polls show most
Britains favor standing up to the Russians, but the socialists are still
pretty active. There could be another few weeks of debate.”
“We don’t have a few more weeks,” Gordon West said, his long face showing
his pessimism. “If we could revive NATO, we might have a chance. But this
thing has happened too fast. I mean, damn it! Nobody thought the Communists
could stage this kind of comeback!”
Waring leaned forward, elbows on the table and his fingers steepled in
front of him. “Gentlemen, in two hours Gordon and I have to go upstairs to
see the Man. He’s going to ask us for a consensus … a solid direction to go
in. Now what are we supposed to tell him? Wait and see what the British do?
Wait on the French and Germans and let them take the lead? Maybe we should
wait until the damned Russians invade New Jersey, and then decide!”
Admiral Scott cleared his throat, and Waring turned his gaze on him.
“Admiral? You have something to say?”
“Only that we should give some thought to our carrier group in Norway,”
he said. “This new Soviet push Out of the Baltic puts them squarely between
two superior naval forces. Basically, they can stay and fight only if we give