called in to build others; we are now in the second million of the
cost thereof; the national pig is not nearly over the stile yet;
and the little old woman, Britannia, hasn’t got home to-night.
Now, I think we may reasonably remark, in conclusion, that all
obstinate adherence to rubbish which the time has long outlived, is
certain to have in the soul of it more or less that is pernicious
and destructive; and that will some day set fire to something or
other; which, if given boldly to the winds would have been
harmless; but which, obstinately retained, is ruinous. I believe
myself that when Administrative Reform goes up it will be idle to
hope to put it down, on this or that particular instance. The
great, broad, and true cause that our public progress is far behind
our private progress, and that we are not more remarkable for our
private wisdom and success in matters of business than we are for
our public folly and failure, I take to be as clearly established
as the sun, moon, and stars. To set this right, and to clear the
way in the country for merit everywhere: accepting it equally
whether it be aristocratic or democratic, only asking whether it be
honest or true, is, I take it, the true object of this Association.
This object it seeks to promote by uniting together large numbers
of the people, I hope, of all conditions, to the end that they may
better comprehend, bear in mind, understand themselves, and impress
upon others, the common public duty. Also, of which there is great
need, that by keeping a vigilant eye on the skirmishers thrown out
from time to time by the Party of Generals, they may see that their
feints and manoeuvres do not oppress the small defaulters and
release the great, and that they do not gull the public with a mere
field-day Review of Reform, instead of an earnest, hard-fought
Battle. I have had no consultation with any one upon the subject,
but I particularly wish that the directors may devise some means of
enabling intelligent working men to join this body, on easier terms
than subscribers who have larger resources. I could wish to see
great numbers of them belong to us, because I sincerely believe
that it would be good for the common weal.
Said the noble Lord at the head of the Government, when Mr. Layard
asked him for a day for his motion, “Let the hon. gentleman find a
day for himself.”
“Now, in the names of all the gods at once,
Upon what meat doth this our Caesar feed
That he is grown so great?”
If our Caesar will excuse me, I would take the liberty of reversing
that cool and lofty sentiment, and I would say, “First Lord, your
duty it is to see that no man is left to find a day for himself.
See you, who take the responsibility of government, who aspire to
it, live for it, intrigue for it, scramble for it, who hold to it
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tooth-and-nail when you can get it, see you that no man is left to
find a day for himself. In this old country, with its seething
hard-worked millions, its heavy taxes, its swarms of ignorant, its
crowds of poor, and its crowds of wicked, woe the day when the
dangerous man shall find a day for himself, because the head of the
Government failed in his duty in not anticipating it by a brighter
and a better one! Name you the day, First Lord; make a day; work
for a day beyond your little time, Lord Palmerston, and History in
return may then – not otherwise – find a day for you; a day equally
associated with the contentment of the loyal, patient, willinghearted
English people, and with the happiness of your Royal
Mistress and her fair line of children.”
SPEECH: SHEFFIELD, DECEMBER 22, 1855.
[On Saturday Evening Mr. Charles Dickens read his Christmas Carol
in the Mechanics’ Hall in behalf of the funds of the Institute.
After the reading the Mayor said, he had been charged by a few